Saying that Russia is "disappointing" might sound harsh, but it's far from inaccurate.
Since the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991, Russia's downward trajectory has been glaringly apparent. First, they elected Boris Yeltsin, a president with questionable judgment, who fell for Western "shock therapy" advice and plunged an already unstable country into chaos. If not for Vladimir Putin assuming power on January 1, 2000, and governing with an iron fist, Russia might have crumbled entirely under NATO's covert machinations, led by the United States.
Consider Ukraine—a prime example of what happens when a former Soviet state loses its way.
One of the core reasons for the Soviet Union's collapse was its deeply imbalanced industrial development. Heavy industry flourished while light industry stagnated, creating systemic inefficiencies. Castle, recognizing this historical trend, saw no benefit in aligning with Russia. Not only would such a partnership offer little to him, but it might also actively hinder his progress.
He didn't mince words when explaining this to Big Ivan, his chief bodyguard.
Big Ivan, though now a U.S. green card holder with his family safely relocated to America thanks to Gianna, couldn't help but feel disheartened by Castle's frankness. Yet he couldn't deny the truth. Unlike their industrious neighbor, China, Russians lacked the resilience and long-term vision to endure generational hardships for a collective national revival.
Russia had always relied on blunt force—taking, rather than building. This wasn't a stereotype but a historical fact. The Soviet Union might have been a beacon of communism, displaying heroism and nationalism during World War II, but their leadership choices had been abysmal.
After Stalin's death in 1953, the Soviet Union cycled through a string of ineffectual leaders. Nikita Khrushchev, notorious for reversing many of Stalin's policies, brought the world to the brink of war during the Cuban Missile Crisis. By the 1970s, the U.S. was mired in the Vietnam War, giving the Soviet Union a strategic advantage.
Yet this advantage was squandered under Leonid Brezhnev, a leader more interested in awarding himself medals than addressing his nation's growing issues. Brezhnev's disastrous decision to invade Afghanistan in the late 1970s marked the beginning of the Soviet Union's decline.
Afghanistan, known as the "Graveyard of Empires," was a strategic quagmire. The CIA, seeking to bleed the Soviets dry, armed and trained Afghan fighters—including a young Osama bin Laden. These fighters would later turn their newfound skills against their American benefactors in the 9/11 attacks.
During its peak, the Soviet Union's military power was unparalleled. Its "Zapad-81" exercises terrified Europe, showcasing the Soviet Union's ability to overrun NATO forces in days. Yet all this strength couldn't compensate for poor leadership and systemic inefficiencies.
By the early 1990s, the Soviet Union fractured into 15 states. Russia inherited most of its territory and military assets but became a shadow of its former self. NATO and the U.S. seized the opportunity to tighten the noose, isolating and containing Russia.
Castle reflected on this history as he processed Big Ivan's request for collaboration. Aligning with Russia at this point offered neither practical nor strategic value.
After Big Ivan left the lab, Castle started piecing together a troubling pattern. If Russia had reached out, it meant Castle's earlier public demonstration of his cloaking drone had drawn significant international attention. Russia's approach, albeit diplomatic, hinted at a broader undercurrent.
What about other nations? Could they also be watching him, planning their moves in secret, like France's spoiled heir Pompeo had done with his botched kidnapping scheme?
This realization unsettled Castle, prompting him to task Jarvis with quietly investigating potential threats. The results were alarming: Castle had become a global target.
Not just Russia—every nation capable of producing fighter jets had set their sights on him. The only exception was China, which was laser-focused on perfecting the engines for its J-20 stealth fighter. Meanwhile, others like France's Dassault Aviation, the Eurofighter consortium, and India's HAL were eyeing Castle's technology like wolves circling prey.
Among these, India was the most aggressive. After being rebuffed by Castle and then rejected by Israel, India had approached Dassault. The French company, enticed by India's offer, seemed poised to consider collaboration.
Castle couldn't help but laugh bitterly. India's actions were a chaotic mix of desperation and arrogance. Did they truly believe their growing influence in American tech circles granted them untouchable status? Just because the CEO of a certain software giant was of Indian descent didn't mean India was universally respected in the U.S.
Castle now understood the gravity of his situation. He was no longer merely an inventor or writer—he was a "juicy target" for the world's most powerful military-industrial complexes.
But Castle wasn't some defenseless lamb waiting to be slaughtered. Anyone who underestimated him would soon learn the hard way that the "fat meat" they sought to devour was more than capable of biting back.
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