Castle's remark wasn't made lightly. In the Western world—particularly in nations led by the United States—containing Russia was practically a cornerstone of national policy. Even under Benjamin's administration, this fundamental approach remained unchanged.
Three years ago, during the 2008 financial crisis, Russia suffered a devastating blow. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia had relied heavily on exporting oil and natural gas to generate foreign revenue. For years, it painstakingly built up reserves during a period of soaring oil prices.
Then came the financial meltdown, triggered by the collapse of U.S. giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. The global financial tsunami decimated Russia's economy, wiping out over half of its $500 billion reserves due to the instability of the ruble.
Sensing an opportunity, George Soros's ally, Jim Rogers, attempted to exploit the situation by launching a massive speculative attack on the ruble. Rogers openly declared, "Russia is likely to fragment again due to this crisis. Now is the perfect time to short the ruble." He rallied international capital to target the ruble on the foreign exchange markets, aiming to finish what Soros couldn't achieve years earlier—breaking Russia economically.
The world's financial wolves circled, ready to feast on the weakened Russia. But Russia found a lifeline in its neighbor: China. The Chinese government, with its double-digit economic growth and enormous cash reserves, signed a 15-year deal to purchase 300 million tons of oil from Russia. In exchange, China provided Russia with a $25 billion loan.
This timely intervention by China deterred the international speculators, forcing Rogers and his cohorts to retreat. While Russia's $25 billion loan wasn't an astronomical sum, it highlighted an important truth: China, quietly amassing wealth, had become the largest holder of U.S. dollars on the planet.
And no one wanted to anger a sleeping giant. Though rabbits are not inherently aggressive, when pushed, they can show their ferocity—a fact the world knew all too well.
In the late 1990s, Soros himself learned this lesson the hard way. Riding high on his successes in Southeast Asia, particularly in Thailand, Soros attempted to target China's newly reclaimed territories in the financial markets, only to be decisively beaten and driven away.
Yet despite its near-collapse, Russia remained a target of technological and economic containment by the West, led by the United States.
Now, for Russia to approach Castle via Big Ivan with hopes of "collaboration"? It was almost laughable.
Castle candidly explained the geopolitical stakes to Big Ivan. Even with his close ties to Benjamin, his significant investments in Northrop Grumman, Pratt & Whitney, and DuPont, and the goodwill he earned by saving Benjamin's life, collaborating with Russia was fraught with risks.
Furthermore, Castle doubted that Russia, with its ailing industrial base, could effectively utilize his stealth technology even if it obtained the plans. The Su-57, despite its advanced design, was an ultrasonically capable fighter, while Castle's current 1.0 version of the deflection cloaking technology wasn't designed for such aircraft. The flexible screens required to achieve visual redirection simply couldn't be produced with Russia's current capabilities.
"Even if I handed this tech over," Castle remarked, "it would be meaningless without the complete industrial ecosystem to support it."
Russia's neighbor, China, was a different story. With a comprehensive industrial chain and formidable innovation capacity, China could take Castle's tech and adapt it seamlessly, possibly improving it within months.
Russia? Not so much. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia had lost its industrial powerhouse, Ukraine, which NATO had courted into disassembling key Soviet assets like the Tu-160 White Swan bombers. Without Ukraine's heavy industry, Russia's economy fell into decline, its status slipping to that of a third-rate power—barely keeping pace with nations like France, Germany, or Italy.
Castle couldn't help but contrast Russia's trajectory with that of China. Starting from a resource-scarce, war-torn foundation in the late 1970s, China's reform and opening-up policies forged a unique path. Today, China's influence spanned the globe, embodying the adage: "What doesn't kill you makes you stronger."
Castle sighed. While China had grown resilient and powerful, Russia remained a shadow of its former self.
Big Ivan, though visibly disheartened, wasn't surprised. He knew Castle wasn't lying. Having worked closely with Castle, he understood the technological sophistication required to implement such innovations. Russia simply didn't have the necessary infrastructure.
Castle also made it clear that the current international climate made a direct meeting with a Russian envoy impossible. Western nations, especially the United States, were at the height of their power. The 2008 financial crisis, while seemingly catastrophic for the U.S., had merely provided it with an excuse to leverage its economic dominance to extract wealth globally.
Meanwhile, the U.S. was orchestrating the "Arab Spring" in the Middle East and asserting its military might. Just weeks earlier, three B-2 stealth bombers had flown from U.S. soil to strike Libyan air defenses and airfields. Domestically, the U.S. had crushed the Roxette organization, eliminating internal threats. Castle had no intention of jeopardizing his position by engaging with Russia.
Big Ivan left Castle's lab with a heavy heart. The burly, two-meter-tall man, who usually exuded confidence, now looked defeated. Castle, observing his loyal bodyguard's diminished spirit, felt a twinge of sympathy. Russia's decline was tragic, but Castle had neither the position nor the justification to help.
"If it were someone speaking Chinese," Castle thought, "perhaps I'd quietly make a deal. China's capabilities make them the only nation that could take my tech and turn it into something revolutionary."
Russia? That was a different story. Once a superpower, Russia had become an economic afterthought. Only its nuclear arsenal and vast, frozen territory kept its status as a major player intact.
Meanwhile, China had demonstrated resilience and adaptability, emerging as a global force. From an impoverished state at its founding, it had fought off multiple powers and built itself into a modern powerhouse.
Castle couldn't help but lament Russia's fate. For all its inherited Soviet glory, it had squandered its potential.
"People say comparisons are odious," Castle mused. "But looking at China and Russia, the contrast couldn't be starker."
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