If the CIA once wished it had sealed a true alliance treaty with China, the burgeoning arms trade between China and Iran was a harsh slap in the face to Director Woolsey. China's concrete actions screamed a message to Washington: We are not on your side.
This forced Woolsey back to Capitol Hill for a tense congressional hearing. The mood was grim. Many lawmakers who had once trusted Woolsey's promise to "win over China" now looked upon him with suspicion and disappointment.
As Woolsey took the stand, a congressman wasted no time launching into criticism."Director Woolsey, while we cannot dictate your actions, we demand an explanation: How did your charm offensive result in this? How do you justify China selling arms to Iran—our adversary? Are we to believe this is just 'China's own practice' we must respect? Everyone sees it as a direct betrayal."
The congressman removed his glasses, carefully wiped them, then sighed heavily. "The world is unraveling. And it makes you wonder—how deep have communist spies infiltrated our government?"
Another congressman chimed in, cold and blunt:"Even if we want China as an ally, we must recognize the limits. What we're seeing is a naked betrayal of the free world."
Woolsey absorbed the rebukes quietly before responding with measured calm:"Members of the House, I regret the arms trade between China and Iran. But consider this—how can China understand our selling weapons to Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea while claiming to be our ally? Our inconsistent policy fuels their distrust."
He continued, "To turn China into a genuine ally, we must reduce arms sales to Taiwan, even limit political exchanges. Only then will China see us as partners, not adversaries."
Silence fell. The room stared, incredulous, as if a madman spoke. One congressman swallowed hard, voice dripping disbelief:"Director Woolsey, are you truly an American? How dare you propose such a thing?"
Woolsey's eyes burned with conviction."I swear by God, I love this country more than anyone here. But to defeat the Soviet empire, we must secure China—even if that means working with imperfect allies. Once the Soviet Union falls, we will control the remaining communist states: China, Cuba, North Korea. No one will defy the United States. Liberalism will reign."
Then, his voice darkened with cold fury:"China will pay dearly for its betrayal."
A congressman buried his face in his hands, muttering:"God, it feels like there's a communist traitor inside our government."
Meanwhile, at the White House, National Security Advisor Anthony Rayco, Chief of Staff James Baker, Secretary of Defense Les Aspin, and President Mario huddled over Woolsey's latest retaliation plan.
"We're going to hijack a Chinese cargo ship and claim it's carrying weapons of mass destruction?" Aspin asked, stunned. "The CIA is really willing to provoke China so openly?"
President Mario nodded grimly."Yes. Risky, yes, but effective. The Yinhe, a Chinese freighter, departs from Hong Kong and sails irregular routes through Singapore, Jakarta, Dubai, and finally Kuwait. They declare their cargo as chemicals. This gives us a pretext to intercept it in the Indian Ocean."
Rayco added, "If no WMDs are found, we don't need to apologize. The U.S. has the right to inspect ships suspected of carrying such weapons. It's a legitimate security measure."
Mario's voice grew cold:"This will send a message to everyone in the Middle East. Even on international waters, our Pacific Fleet commands the power to stop you."
Aspin, newly appointed and eager, agreed:"We'll deploy two warships and helicopters to shadow and intercept the Yinhe. This will show China and Iran that defying us has consequences."
As preparations began, the Washington elites overlooked one key factor: they underestimated how much this reckless provocation might spiral beyond their control.