Even Victor did not expect Iran to reject his offer. When he presented the proposal to supply weapons of mass destruction, Iranian President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani declined tactfully.
"Iran is not interested in escalating conflict with the United States or the West at this time," Rafsanjani explained. "We hope both superpowers will ease tensions, rather than draw smaller nations into their vortex of power struggles. Our priority now is economic development, not becoming a target by arming ourselves with dangerous weapons."
Victor realized the futility of pressing further. Rafsanjani's stance was firm and clear.
Despite this setback, Victor found a more receptive audience in former Iranian President Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei—now the spiritual leader of the Iranian Communist Party and a powerful voice behind the scenes. Unlike the moderate Rafsanjani, Khamenei represented the hardline conservatives deeply suspicious of the West.
"To Khamenei, the United States was a hegemon seeking to impose control and subvert Iran's independence by making it a pawn in Washington's Middle Eastern chessboard," Victor reflected. "His resistance was why Iran was branded by the U.S. as a 'terrorist state' and part of the so-called 'Axis of Evil.'"
Meeting Victor in his private residence, Khamenei expressed a cautious interest.
"I am aware your weapons of mass destruction offer is sensitive," Khamenei said, "especially since Iran's nuclear ambitions are closely watched by so-called guardians of morality. But I oppose nuclear weapons myself. Still, the enemy of my enemy is my friend. The Soviet Union's help would be welcome."
Victor nodded. "We want to assist our friends in their struggle. Our offer remains open."
Khamenei raised a cup, then sighed deeply. "Unfortunately, I no longer hold the presidency. My influence is limited. Though I lead the spiritual front and the military, I cannot override Rafsanjani's authority."
"But," Victor pressed, "many know you led Iran to victory over Iraq's forces. You command respect from the military and the people."
Khamenei smiled thinly. "That is true. Yet, making a deal with you without the president's knowledge would be foolish. However, there are those within the military eager to acquire your chemical weapons. Should Rafsanjani yield, they would be ready to act."
Victor sensed the unspoken challenge: if he could pressure Rafsanjani into agreement, the radicals would take over the deal.
"I understand," Victor replied. "The ball is in our court."
Later, Victor reported to Yanayev the split within Iran. On one side, Rafsanjani's moderates favored peace and cautious diplomacy; on the other, Khamenei's radicals pushed for arms to resist Western domination.
"Rafsanjani forgets one thing," Yanayev mused. "Unless Iran becomes a U.S. pawn in the Middle East, the strategic interests of the West will target it relentlessly. Those who resist will bear the brunt."
Yanayev explained recent shifts: U.S. intervention in the Middle East was increasing, with NATO still focused on the Soviet Union in Europe, but Washington pivoting its strategic attention toward controlling Middle Eastern oil.
"Bush tasted the oil's sweetness during the Gulf War. The U.S. doesn't need to seize oil physically; they profit from controlling oil futures through war and market manipulation."
Iran's wealth and geography make it a target. Its political system provides justification for Western accusations and hostility.
"So, we must use anti-American countries to build a 'red wall' around our interests," Yanayev said. "Iran's historic resistance and Iraq's post-Gulf War animosity make them natural allies in this."
Turning to Defense Minister Yazov, Yanayev asked, "What's the best way to force Rafsanjani's hand?"
Yazov's answer was blunt: "Discredit him with lies and false intelligence. If the U.S. can be made to believe Iran secretly possesses weapons of mass destruction, it will exploit that to isolate Rafsanjani and push Iran's moderates aside."
"The American propaganda machine is relentless. They will use any excuse to sabotage Iranian moderation and force Tehran into a corner. Then, Iran will have no choice but to embrace nuclear weapons—or worse."
Yanayev nodded. "This conflict is long term. We must infiltrate anti-American countries through arms deals and influence. The chemical weapons treaty? It's a farce. Chemical weapons are brutal but effective in war."
Yazov and Yanayev shared unease about dismantling the Soviet chemical arsenal on Vozrozhdeniya Island. Those deadly viruses and nerve agents represented decades of Soviet research, and destroying them cost nearly as much as creating them.
"Better to seal them away than destroy them," Yanayev insisted. "And the treaty banning chemical weapons use is toothless. White phosphorus and other weapons will still be employed. It's a political show."
Therefore, Yanayev resolved to quietly sell off portions of the Soviet nerve agent stockpile to Middle Eastern clients. "If the U.S. ever invades Iraq again, these weapons will complicate their plans."
"Regarding the treaty, I will coordinate with the Chinese to maintain a united front in the United Nations," Yanayev added. "Our interests are aligned. We will advance and retreat together on this issue."
"In the end, the Chemical Weapons Convention is a joke. Only countries without these weapons celebrate. In real war, no one will hesitate to use them."