Mario had been wrestling with a headache lately. Despite his strong backing within the Democratic Party—far stronger than his rival Clinton—his public popularity lagged behind. Mario's campaign slogan about safeguarding America's interests around the world simply didn't resonate as much as Clinton's message of improving and fixing the economy.
Then, a substantial political donation arrived, easing the campaign's funding woes. But Mario was cautious. During such a sensitive time, he sent trusted aides to investigate the source behind the funds. Only after confirming the donation was clean political money did he accept it.
The donation, made in the name of oil company boss Callander, was just the opening act. The real priority was the publicity strategy to come—and Mario could hardly believe it when the oil magnate brought with him a pair of consultants from the renowned Rand Corporation.
When two plain-looking middle-aged men introduced themselves and handed Mario their business cards, he instantly recognized the Rand Group's name. The RAND Corporation was the United States' premier strategic think tank, originally famed for its cutting-edge military research before expanding into politics, economics, science, and social issues. Known as the "brain concentration camp" and "super military academy" of think tanks worldwide, its reputation inspired awe.
Mario never expected such an honor: a top-tier think tank advising his campaign.
"We're with the Rand Group," one of the men said. "Honestly, we're here as personal friends of Callander. No fees, Mr. Mario."
The man, Massad, who was actually a Soviet undercover agent posing as a Rand analyst, had grown accustomed to this double life over the years. If he hadn't been regularly sending intelligence back to the KGB, he might have forgotten he was a spy rather than a mere researcher. Callander, too, was a long-embedded Soviet agent fully assimilated into American society—more American than many Americans.
Massad introduced himself formally, "I'm the director of domestic political research at Rand. This is my assistant, Olidov. Of course, our advice is just that—advice. The final call is yours."
Mario, honored and eager, smiled warmly. "I have great faith in RAND's expertise."
"Excellent," said Massad's assistant Olidov, pulling a data chart from his briefcase and setting it before Mario. The table compared polling data for Mario, Bush, and Clinton over recent months, complete with detailed annotations and insights.
Mario's curiosity was piqued. "What's this?"
"We analyzed your public support trends," Massad explained, "and found some issues you might not have noticed."
He took a pen and began drawing intricate relationship lines on the chart.
"Your support is strong in New York State, but across the western and southern U.S., your numbers lag behind both Bush and Clinton. Bush leads slightly, Clinton follows closely. The current economic downturn makes your slogan about protecting U.S. global interests feel hollow to many voters."
Massad looked directly at Mario, who listened attentively. "Now, Bush and Clinton's slogans are nearly opposite, yet their support levels are close. Why? Our analysis shows Bush's supporters are mainly wealthy individuals, many benefiting directly or indirectly from the Gulf War. Clinton's backers, however, are largely working-class, hit hard by economic uncertainty. That makes Clinton's message much more emotionally charged."
He paused. "Short term, the difference might be small. But looking nationwide, the working class outnumbers the wealthy by a wide margin. Over time, Clinton's support will grow, while Bush's might stagnate. So, if you want to win, Mr. Mario, you'd be wise to adopt Clinton's strategy."
Mario hesitated. "Are you saying I should change my approach? But if I do, won't I lose my original supporters?"
"But you can gain more supporters than you lose," Massad interrupted firmly. "Only by winning over the vast majority can you truly secure your place as a top contender. Right now, your strategy is completely off track. I strongly suggest you replace your current campaign team with a more reliable one—immediately."
Olidov reached into his briefcase and placed a neatly bound folder on the table in front of Mario. "Inside is a campaign plan tailored specifically for you by our think tank. Mr. Callander has already funded it, so we're offering it to you free of charge. Whether you adopt it or not is entirely your decision. We don't claim it guarantees a 100% victory over Clinton or Bush, but I can assure you it will increase your public support by at least 40%."
Mario stared at the folder but didn't reach for it. Instead, he fixed his gaze on Massad and asked slowly, "There's one thing I want to know. Why is Mr. Callander going to such lengths to help me?"
Massad chuckled and tapped his temple. "Isn't it obvious? Supporting you means his company stands to gain a lot. Mr. Callander's simple request is to open the doors to the Middle East for his oil company through American intervention in the Gulf War. It's classic business—politicians need money, and businessmen need influence."
Mario leaned back, skeptical. "Wouldn't he be better off backing Bush, though? Bush has deeper knowledge of the Middle East's undercurrents."
Massad sneered slightly. "Bush? The man who's about to leave office? A wise investor only puts money behind a stock with real growth potential. Someone losing all their influence isn't worth the gamble."
For the first time, Mario smiled. He picked up the folder and said, "Tell Mr. Callander I appreciate his honesty."
"Consider it done." Massad exhaled, relieved. The mission was complete. Now it was all in Mario's hands. Whether he would rise to become the next President of the United States or fade away as New York's governor, Massad hoped Mario wouldn't let down the KGB Foreign Intelligence Service's efforts.
The biggest financial backer behind this American presidential candidate was none other than the Soviet KGB Intelligence Agency.
Just as Clinton was gearing up with high hopes to run for the U.S. presidency, a devastating sex scandal poured cold water over his ambitions—halving them overnight.
Sally Miller, a former beauty pageant contestant from Arkansas, spoke candidly to the press about her romantic relationship with Clinton.
"Looking at the handsome man putting on her black lace nightgown, I couldn't help but laugh," Sally recalled. "Our affair began in the summer of 1983. Although I was 44 then, I still looked young and beautiful. I left my contact info with Clinton's secretariat, and soon after, we became close through several meetings."
Despite being divorced and living alone, Miller was cautious in her clandestine meetings with Clinton. "I'd leave the back door ajar and wait for him to sneak quietly into my bedroom. I was drawn to his energy, humor, and enthusiasm. He may not have been the most handsome man, but he made you feel beautiful. Not many men can do that."
In a revealing pillow talk, Clinton even confided that his wife Hillary was a lesbian. "He said Hillary prefers women over men," Miller said.
The scandal exploded like a bombshell across the American political arena. For weeks, citizens everywhere discussed Clinton's sex life in vivid detail. While sex scandals weren't new to politics, Clinton's personal details were unusually exposed, and the press mercilessly pounced.
Clinton's anger was palpable, but so was his downfall. Miller revealed she'd received death threats and warned that if she died by suicide, it should not be believed.
A security company soon announced that an unnamed client was paying for her protection.
Even casual observers saw this as a political hit. Jokes mocking Clinton flooded the media. On a talk show, Wallace quipped, "If you called George Washington a philanderer, you'd face a year in jail for libel. But if you say Clinton's a philanderer, you might be sentenced to death for leaking state secrets."
Clinton fell from a presidential hopeful to a laughingstock running scared.
Only Mario knew the truth behind the scenes: the entire scandal had been orchestrated by Callander, the oil magnate.
It puzzled Mario why an oil company would place all its bets on him. Yet, as Clinton's star dimmed, Mario's political fortunes soared.
Running as a Democrat, Mario hit Bush where it hurt with a campaign slogan that resonated with voters: "Stupid! America's problem is the economy, not the war!"
During a presidential debate, Mario laid out his critique with precision.
"The social issues in the U.S. stem from economic downturn," he said. "Last year, President Bush said he preferred handling foreign policy over domestic economics. That's proof he favors war and ignores our economy. But the U.S. has never been defeated by foreign enemies. Instead, it has nearly been destroyed by economic crises—the Great Depression, the fallout after the Vietnam War."
"If we don't fix our economy first, we will never achieve lasting stability. But foolish Bush has either ignored this or is deliberately avoiding it along with the interest groups behind him."
Mario went on to expose Bush's deep oil ties.
"Bush moved to Texas in 1948 to sell oil field supplies. By 1951, he founded Bush-Overby Oil Development. In 1953, he co-founded Zapata Oil Company, and in 1954, Zapata Offshore Oil Company, which made him a millionaire. Between 1953 and 1964, he held various leadership roles in these companies."
"So, while the Gulf War was launched under the banner of humanitarianism, it may actually be a dirty oil deal."
Mario didn't spell out the conspiracy fully, but the audience connected the dots: Bush and oil interests orchestrated the Gulf War.
His speech propelled him past Bush in the polls.
Bush tried to adjust his campaign, but Mario's direct attacks were too much.
In the end, Mario won the presidency with 370 electoral votes to Bush's 168.
At the victory celebration, the crowd erupted in applause as Mario waved and solemnly vowed to work hard for America's future.
The next morning's newspapers showcased a stark contrast: Bush's somber departure and Mario's joyful ascent, with headlines praising the hope Mario brought.
When Yanaev saw the news, he remained stoic, but a faint smile tugged at his lips.
Finally, the United States had elected a president aligned with Soviet interests.
As long as Mario lengthened the domestic economic recovery, Yanaev cared little how America tormented the Soviet Union.
Since the West used peaceful evolution to undermine the USSR, the Soviet Union had responded with a two-faced president—intentionally keeping the U.S. economy sluggish.