Before Lucas could respond, a congressman stood up at a subtle signal from the Speaker.
"Mr. Lucas, I am Congressman Quevis," he began smoothly. "I believe you understand why Congress has taken this position."
He spoke confidently.
"Have you reviewed California's submitted military procurement order?"
"One hundred and fifty high-performance fighter jets."
"Two hundred thousand beam rifles."
"Fifty thousand next-generation EXO individual combat armors."
Even Lucas was momentarily taken aback.
California was being ruthless.
If fulfilled, that order alone would allow California to overpower most European nations.
But the cost would be staggering.
Though Saiyan corporation's products were competitively priced, this single contract would approach seventy to eighty billion dollars.
And this amount did not fall under the preferential terms Lucas had previously promised President Ellis.
California was offering full payment—no discounts.
The state's GDP the previous year had approached five trillion dollars, while the entire United States had produced under twenty-four trillion.
By comparison, many major global economies trailed far behind California alone.
It was, undeniably, wealthy.
"You must submit all procurement requests through Congress," Quevis continued. "Congress will determine which items are approved and which are denied."
"We have already filed a judicial proposal with the Federal Supreme Court to restrict state-level procurement authority."
"This falls under military procurement."
"That exceeds the unilateral authority of a state government. It concerns national defense and federal fiscal oversight."
Lucas inwardly scoffed.
The reasoning sounded dignified.
Yes, excessive militarization of a single state could weaken federal cohesion.
But the truth was equally clear:
Congress did not intend to forfeit billions in potential profit.
At least ten billion in margins.
No institution would willingly surrender that.
Lucas glanced at President Ellis.
Ellis gave a faint, helpless shrug.
On this issue, he naturally leaned toward Congress.
Federal authority preserved White House influence and maintained national political balance.
Mayor McCourt of Los Angeles slammed the table.
"I disagree."
"At most, we will file records with Congress."
"These purchases are municipal infrastructure needs."
"The equipment is for the California National Guard. The state government will fund it."
"This is clearly stated in law."
"In peacetime, Congress has no authority to interfere with the state's autonomy over its National Guard!"
Now Lucas understood the depth of the dispute.
The United States was formed by sovereign states first—federal authority came later.
States possessed legislative, judicial, and executive powers.
They lacked authority over national defense, taxation at the federal scale, foreign affairs, and currency—but the National Guard belonged to the states.
In peacetime, state National Guards answered to their governors.
They could refuse federal directives unless the nation was formally at war.
Put simply:
The National Guard was the state's own armed force.
Under normal circumstances, a state equipping its own guard required only notification—not federal approval.
But Congress had seen the numbers.
The annual U.S. defense budget was roughly nine hundred billion dollars.
A procurement profit exceeding ten billion was significant.
And this was only Los Angeles.
If similar modernization spread nationwide, every contract would pass through Congress.
The future profits would be astronomical.
Thus, Congress could not afford to relinquish control.
The congressional representatives appeared calm—confident.
Quevis stood again.
"Los Angeles is currently unable to exercise effective governance following a natural disaster."
"Therefore, the federal government holds jurisdictional authority."
"Bullshit!"
McCourt shot to his feet, slamming the table again.
"California assumed control immediately after the disaster. When did federal authority take over?"
This was non-negotiable.
It touched on state sovereignty.
"From the moment the city was destroyed," Quevis replied evenly.
He removed a document from his briefcase and placed it before Governor Gavin and Mayor McCourt.
Gavin's expression darkened as he read it.
He handed it to McCourt.
McCourt's face flushed red.
"You set this trap on the day of the disaster?"
"Instead of focusing on relief efforts, you prepared legal leverage?"
"Is that not disgraceful?"
The congressional members remained expressionless.
Politics had never rewarded fairness.
President Ellis finally intervened.
"That's enough. Shouting won't resolve anything."
"Allow me to mediate."
Lucas almost laughed internally.
The "bad cop" had finished. The "good cop" stepped in.
"How do you propose to mediate?" Gavin asked coldly.
Ellis spoke carefully.
"All procurement must proceed through Congress. Funding will also be processed federally."
"However, Congress guarantees that your orders will not be obstructed."
"Everything will proceed through standard procedure and record filing."
"Mr. Lucas is here. He may serve as witness."
Gavin narrowed his eyes.
He understood perfectly.
Congress and the White House wanted the intermediary profit.
They would not concede that.
Direct confrontation with the federal government would bring little benefit to California.
Politics often ended in compromise.
After a moment, Gavin exhaled slowly.
"Fine. In consideration of Mr. Lucas's contribution to California, I will agree."
"But Congress must offer preferential terms."
"Do not assume I am unaware of your internal arrangements with Saiyan corporation."
Lucas shook his head slightly.
They were openly negotiating around him as if he were a bargaining chip.
Moments earlier they had been shouting.
Now, with profits outlined, they spoke of agreement.
Ellis glanced at Lucas, then smiled.
"Agreed."
"Then we are settled?"
Gavin nodded.
"I will sign a federal agreement at any time."
The room eased.
The deal was done.
___
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