January 25, 2001Chief Executive's Secretariat, Islamabad09:10 Hours
Relocating SPL matches to Bangladesh bought Musharraf time—but time was not the objective. Time was only cover.
The internal briefings were blunt: the spoilers would not stop because the league paused. They would stop only if the league became too expensive to sabotage—too international, too visible, too tied to interests beyond Pakistan's borders.
Musharraf closed the file and said what his staff didn't expect.
"Cricket cannot be defended only by police," he said. "It must be defended by stakeholders."
He walked to the map and traced an arc that did not end at Dhaka.
"We make the league bigger than South Asia," Musharraf continued. "We make it Commonwealth."
Mahmood's brow tightened. "A second league?"
"A second umbrella," Musharraf corrected. "A platform that turns sabotage into an international incident, not a local embarrassment."
He picked up the red telephone.
"Get me London."
The Call to Downing Street
January 25, 2001No. 10 Downing Street, London05:10 Hours (UK Time)
The line connected with diplomatic formality—and the quiet caution of leaders who understood that phone calls are never just phone calls.
"Prime Minister Blair," Musharraf began, tone controlled. "Extremists are trying to set this region on fire. I'm using sport to drain oxygen from them."
Blair's response was measured. "I've seen the reports. Stadium violence. Volatility."
"That volatility is why I'm calling," Musharraf replied. "I'm proposing a new competition—beyond the subcontinent. A Commonwealth Cricket League. Multi-host, multi-stakeholder. Harder to sabotage because it's spread across countries."
A pause—calculation, not disbelief.
"A new league cuts across existing structures," Blair said carefully. "Governance. Security. Commercial rights."
"Agreed," Musharraf replied. "That's why it must be built with Commonwealth credibility—international oversight, professional standards, and a board that does not look like Islamabad's extension."
Blair asked the inevitable question. "What are you asking of the United Kingdom?"
Musharraf answered directly.
"Participation," he said. "And patronage. I want the Queen to be Patron-in-Chief."
The line went quiet, not because the request was absurd, but because it was politically explosive. Royal patronage did not travel lightly; it carried symbolism, and symbolism carried scrutiny.
"You realize what you're asking," Blair said at last.
"I do," Musharraf replied. "And that's why it matters. Extremists want nations locked into hate. Commonwealth identity is a counter-symbol. Cricket as civic ritual, not border weapon."
Blair's caution returned. "The Palace is careful. Parliament will ask whether this legitimizes your government."
Musharraf's voice stayed even.
"Legitimacy is not a trophy," he said. "It's a stabilizer. The question is whether you prefer Pakistan isolated and combustible—or engaged and accountable."
Another pause.
Blair didn't commit. But he also didn't shut the door.
"Send someone serious," Blair said. "With a serious framework. We'll listen."
Musharraf didn't smile.
"Shaukat Aziz will come," he said. "He'll bring the structure."