Facing the earnest gazes from Manuel and Barbara, Constantine finally agreed to their request, consenting to have his nephew Theodore Gavras become his godson.
In the orthodox faith, being chosen as a godfather or godmother is generally not considered a burden, but rather an honor. Parents usually choose suitable godparents for their children from among those they trust.
The same was true for Constantine; after agreeing to his sister and Brother-in-law's request, he felt as if he could sense their trust in him. Barbara must have praised him in her daily conversations with Manuel, the Moria Despotate thought.
However, when Constantine asked his sister to confirm this matter near dusk, he received a somewhat strange reply. 'Although I did share my childhood experiences and impressions of you, my brother, with Manuel, his desire for you to be Theodore's godfather was more out of his own will. Manuel seems to have developed an inexplicable respect for you ever since he met you at the wedding that year. According to him, fighting for the survival of Rome alone in Morea is a great thing.' Barbara narrowed her beautiful eyes, recalling their casual conversations as a couple.
'It's not that exaggerated, and Thomas is still helping me manage Morea,' Constantine said, feeling a bit amused and helpless, then dismissed his doubts on the matter.
The next morning, at the Dimitrios Cathedral in Mistras, Manuel's only son, Theodore Gavras, was about to have his godchild ceremony. This time, with the exception of Theodore Palaiologos, who could not attend due to the need to guard the former Achaea Principality lands, all other dignitaries of the Despotate of Morea, including George Sfrantzis and the co-despot Thomas Palaiologos, had come to participate in the ceremony.
Manuel initially did not intend to make it so grand, but Constantine insisted on giving his nephew and future godson the highest honor and treatment, thus convincing his Brother-in-law.
After Dionysius, the Metropolitan of Peloponnese, finished reciting the lengthy scriptures, it was time to formally establish the godfather-godson relationship. At this moment, Manuel carefully watched his child, little Theodore, with his wide brown eyes, not crying or fussing, and felt a father's heartfelt love for him. With this thought, he solemnly handed the Theodore in his arms to Constantine. Constantine, with the same solemn expression, received his godson, and under the Metropolitan's blessing and prayers, formally adopted Theodore as his godson.
After the ceremony, Manuel took the opportunity to interact and get to know the dignitaries of Morea. After a conversation with his other Brother-in-law, Thomas, he noticed an old scholar speaking animatedly next to the Metropolitan.
'So, Aristotle, in logic and foreseeable theology, unequivocally went against the teachings of his teacher Plato. The current distinction between Rome (the Empire) and Rome (the See) can be analogized to this and foreseen from here…' The scholar, with a thick white beard and wearing a round clerical silk cap, was enthusiastically and tirelessly sharing his admiration for Plato's philosophy with those around him. His dark brown eyes were full of understanding of scholarship and theology.
Out of curiosity, Manuel briefly stopped and began discussing with the old man. As their conversation lengthened, he finally understood who the other person was.
'Are you the author of 'On the Differences', Gemistos Plethon (Γεώργιος Γεμιστός Πλήθων)?' the young Caesar asked cautiously.
The old scholar, who was enjoying the conversation with him, did not shy away, 'It is I, Your Majesty. Have you read my humble work?'
'Something like that,' Manuel said with a slight smile, thinking that having read related overviews in his previous life counted as reading it.
Gemistos Plethon, a representative figure of the late East Rome Renaissance, was a proponent of Plato's philosophy. He was also a philosophical teacher to many orthodox clergy, such as the previously mentioned George Scholarios and John Eugenicus, who were deeply influenced by his philosophical teachings. Even Bessarion, the Metropolitan of Nicaea and Cardinal of the Roman Curia, who should have been negotiating with the Curia in Italy at this time, was deeply affected by his philosophy.
After discussing with the other party for a while, Plethon couldn't help but praise the knowledge of the young Bosphorus Caesar before him. Manuel, who was already sweating profusely internally, maintained a calm demeanor on the surface, humbly accepting the praise and expressing his desire to deepen his exchanges with relevant clergy.
Such a minor matter, in the other party's view, was naturally granted, and Manuel, inadvertently, expanded his contact with the orthodox world. However, the full effect of this would only become apparent later.
After resting for a few more days in Mistras, Manuel's family once again set off on their journey home. Since their presence had already been revealed in the Saint Dimitrios Cathedral, Manuel, with Constantine's help, resorted to an old trick: they switched to a three-masted caravel merchant ship nominally belonging to Venice, and after concealing their identities, quietly slipped away from the Despotate of Morea.
'Your Majesty, where do we go next?' After safely changing ships and ensuring their identities were kept secret, Badars bowed on the deck, asking his monarch about their next destination after leaving Morea.
'Smyrna,' Manuel stood up, looking towards the eastern shore of the Aegean Sea, 'Prepare yourselves well, next we are going to meet the former people of the Aydin Beylik there.'
The Aydin Beylik, which fell in 1425, was one of the Tukish Beys of Anatolia gradually annexed by the Ottoman Sultanate. Compared to other Beyliks at the time, Aydin, which originated on the coastal west of Anatolia, was very weak, possessing only a fleet that once dominated the Aegean Sea and a small army of fifteen thousand men. It could be said to be the weakest of the Muslim polities in Anatolia at that time. Furthermore, Aydin had little to distinguish itself during its existence, with only the minor achievement of Umur I, who easily suppressed Rhodes, Cyprus, and the Venetian Eastern Mediterranean fleet, becoming a 'Pirate King' and wreaking havoc in the Aegean Sea.
Then, the exasperated Venice, having obtained permission from the Pope, sent Aydin a Smyrna Crusade, uniting with Genoa, the Knights Hospitaller, and Cyprus for a righteous beating... And then, there was no 'then'. After Smyrna was occupied by the Knights Hospitaller in 1348, Aydin never recovered, until it was first annexed by the Ottoman in 1390. Incidentally, in 1402, during Timur's western campaign, he incidentally captured Smyrna and transferred it to the re-established Aydin, which was the only Christian force ever defeated by 'the Lame' Timur, who historically only fought co-religionists.
Why would Manuel risk personally wooing such 'weak' Turks? Firstly, because the Ottoman, or rather Murad II, was truly inhumane back then. After conquering Aydin, the Sultan originally promised to spare the life of Aydin Bey Izmiroğlu Cüneyd's family, but the following year he broke his promise, massacred the entire Aydinoglu family, and allowed his army to ravage the area. Afterwards, the Ottoman High Porte in Edirne even gave further instructions. This led to extreme hatred for the Ottoman among the survivors of the Aydin Beylik, making them one of the most fervent Turkish former subjects resisting the Ottoman.
Murad also had something to say: 'You Aydin allied with Venice and Rome to resist the Sultan's 'benevolent rule' back then. At the brink of destruction, you would rather offer your lands to Venice, Genoa, or Karaman for protection than to the Ottoman who 'conforms to Allah's will'. Your Aydin family has brought about its own demise!'
This was Manuel's second reason for choosing to contact the former people of Aydin: the Aydin Turks were a group relatively close to East Rome. Historically, among the various Beyliks of Anatolia, Aydin and Saruhan were the most tolerant in terms of religious governance. Smyrna, a city with a long history, was also the most prosperous commercial port on the eastern Aegean coast under Aydin's rule.
Aydin was therefore sought out by John VI Kantakouzenos as a foreign ally in the two John's civil war to fight against John V Palaiologos's Latin fleet in naval warfare. And in 1421, shortly after Murad II's ascension, Aydin, as a vassal of the Sultanate, even allied with the Roman Empire, which actively acted as an external force, to support the Sultan's uncle Mustafa in launching a rebellion. They suffered an unsurprising defeat. Even later, in 1425, when Aydin was about to be destroyed for the second time by Murad, if Constantinople had not been too weak, Bey Cüneyd even had the idea of offering the land to the Empire.
Therefore, Manuel's choice to support the relatively pro-Roman remnants of Aydin in causing trouble was naturally quite reasonable.
After four days of sailing, as the ship docked in the port of Smyrna at night, Manuel, under the cover of darkness and accompanied by Badars, quietly disembarked to meet with a leader of the former Aydin people whom he had secretly contacted in advance.iikk