In the Small Friars' Square near the Hofburg Palace in Vienna, the All-Austria Conference was convened again after four years.
This was a grand assembly called by Laszlo in response to the demands of the people of the Austrian states.
Dozens of estate representatives from various Austrian states gathered in the open-air venue, hoping the Emperor would respond to their requests.
In recent years, the Emperor had mostly been away from Austria, touring his vast territories.
Having such a powerful monarch was undoubtedly a good thing for the people of Austria.
At least they didn't have to worry about waking up one day to the news that the enemy had reached their doorstep.
However, the Austrians soon discovered that the Emperor's attention to Austria seemed far less than in the first few years of his reign, which worried them.
Therefore, representatives from various states often submitted petitions to the Emperor through the presiding officers of the state assemblies, who were governors personally appointed by the Emperor.
Typically, Laszlo would select some requests that could be responded to and hand them over to the Austrian government for processing.
This was actually sufficient, but Laszlo still needed to make an appearance before the Austrian elite, just as he did when touring non-Austrian territories.
This would appease those estate representatives who mistakenly believed he no longer cared about Austria.
After years of various overt and covert conflicts with Austria, Hungary, and even the Imperial princes, Laszlo was now adept at dealing with various strata within his domain.
He even conducted an in-depth study of the differences in the political ecosystems of Austria and Hungary.
As the two core components of his Empire, Laszlo needed to have a sufficiently deep understanding of them.
Both the Austrian Estate Assembly and the Hungarian Parliament were established in the early 15th century.
However, due to differences in national conditions, their development paths diverged to two extremes.
In the early 15th century, Austria was still fragmented, with the princes of the Habsburg Family ruling their respective territories through their local assemblies.
As time progressed, these local assemblies gradually faded away, replaced by a more mature system of estate assemblies.
Of course, the estate assemblies of the Austrian states also had another name: the state assemblies.
During this period, the main functions of the state assemblies were to approve taxation and military service, and to serve as a platform for submitting requests to the princes.
This did not change with the reunification of fragmented Austria.
However, the object of the state assemblies' requests became the same monarch.
At first glance, the functions of the Austrian Estate Assembly seemed no different from those of the Hungarian Parliament, but the actual power difference between the two was immense.
Around the same time, the Kingdom of Hungary was still governed by the Royal Council.
This was a small deliberative body composed solely of bishops, great nobles, and government officials, which greatly constrained the King's power.
In 1397, Sigismund, who had just suffered a disastrous defeat at Nicopolis, sought to break free from the increasingly heavy suppression of the Royal Council, and thus decided to reform.
He ordered the summoning of four representatives, or 'county notables,' from each county of the Kingdom, incorporating them into the Kingdom's deliberative body. Soon, the powers of the Royal Council were rapidly expanded and replaced by the Hungarian Parliament, which had a broader scope of representation.
Previously, meetings of this scale were only convened during times of national crisis, but Sigismund made them a permanent fixture, attempting to resist the control of the great nobles.
It is hard to say whether he succeeded or failed.
Although he later failed to resist the counterattack of the Hungarian great nobles and was forced to sign an agreement granting them greater privileges.
But in the subsequent war against the Hussite, Sigismund proved that he indeed held great power in Hungary.
Many minor nobles, indebted to him, chose to join Sigismund's army and campaign in Bohemia to gain more benefits.
This ultimately helped him claim the Bohemian crown in 1434.
At the same time, the power of the great nobles expanded unprecedentedly, almost to the point where they could disregard the King.
In the subsequent era, Albrecht II, relying on his power base in Austria and Janos Hunyadi, whom he had personally supported, barely managed to suppress the great nobles of Hungary.
Even now, in the era ruled by Laszlo, although he had eliminated the greatest threat to the royal family, the Hunyadi Family, the great nobles still lurked in the shadows, waiting for an opportunity to strike back.
Compared to the greedy and fierce Hungarian nobles, who were like jackals and tigers, the various estates of Austria were as docile as sheep before the Emperor.
On the one hand, apart from the Habsburg Family, it was difficult for any other powerful noble force to emerge in Austria.
Now, Laszlo's power was sufficient to quash all dissenting voices.
On the other hand, as the legitimate successor of Austria and the Emperor, few Austrians doubted the legitimacy and rationality of his rule.
They preferred to engage in routine bargaining with the governor appointed by the Emperor in the state assembly, rather than resolving issues through a violent method that would embarrass everyone.
After the Emperor agreed to some of their demands, in return, they would also agree to the Emperor's request for additional taxes.
After each convened state assembly, the various estates would cooperate with Laszlo's tax authorities to complete tax collection.
However, Laszlo now felt that such a process was still too cumbersome.
Therefore, he decided to make some reforms at this All-Austria Conference.
He struck hard in Hungary, and he would also push for more in Austria.
This was actually a last resort.
After all, he had to support so many armies, and ensuring stable financial income became a necessary measure.
As long as new reforms were implemented in Austria, the centralization process in Austria would basically be completed.
By then, he would no longer need to worry about the financial issues of Austria and Hungary.
Inside the Hofburg Palace, Laszlo and Eyczing were making final discussions and preparations for the upcoming conference.
"Your Majesty, this proposal will undoubtedly make our tax revenue more stable, but is a ten-year trial period a bit too long?"
Eyczing held the agreement concerning the reform of the estate assembly that Laszlo had given him, openly expressing his surprise and admiration.
The Emperor always came up with unprecedented brilliant ideas to solve current problems, and this time was no exception.
In his hand was something called the "Recess Agreement."
The so-called recess, of course, referred to the estate assemblies of the Austrian states.
However, this "recess" was not a recess in the usual sense; it would not prohibit the convening of estate assemblies.
Its true meaning was to temporarily strip the main function of the estate assemblies, namely the right to consent to taxation, from the hands of the assemblies.
In short, Laszlo intended to propose a ten-year taxation proposal at the All-Austria Conference.
Over the next ten years, the estate assemblies of the Austrian states would be required to pay a fixed amount of money to the government annually.
Laszlo gave this innovative tax a grand name: "National Contribution Tax," or simply "Contribution Tax."
This money was primarily used to maintain the army and the Austrian government.
Its amount would be determined based on the total ordinary tax revenue of Austria in the previous year.
Once this proposal was passed, he would no longer need to bargain with the estate assemblies of the various states over tax matters for the next few years.
As a corresponding concession, Laszlo promised to convene the All-Austria Conference every two years and the state estate assembly once a year.
He would try his best to meet the demands of the Austrian estates at the conference.
At the same time, the Austrian estates could still provide Laszlo with more financial resources beyond the fixed Contribution Tax.
This mainly included donations from the various estates, as well as loans provided by the ancient land banks.
Of course, this would require an additional cost.
"Eyczing, you should know that Austria's tax revenue has stabilized and will not grow significantly in the short term, so ten years is an appropriate time.
This can greatly promote Austria's stability and save us a lot of trouble.
However, to be safe, I have also added a clause for emergencies."
Hearing Laszlo's words, Eyczing's gaze shifted to the last clause.
"In emergencies, the Archduke of Austria has absolute financial power and can levy additional taxes beyond the Contribution Tax, but needs to consult with the estate assembly.
That is to say, in a state of war, the Archduchy's finances will not be restricted by this agreement, so there is no problem."
Indeed, people are pushed to their limits.
As the monarch of several countries, Laszlo did not have time to stay in one country for too long.
Therefore, he had to simplify these troublesome issues and then deal with them.
After their discussion, the two, the monarch and his minister, immediately went to the small square next to the Hofburg Palace, where representatives from various states were eagerly awaiting.
As soon as Laszlo appeared, the venue erupted in enthusiastic applause and cheers.
Several years had passed since the representatives last came to Vienna for a meeting and spoke face-to-face with the Emperor.
As usual, Laszlo delivered an impassioned speech, expressing his concern for the people of Austria.
It was clichéd, but still enough to excite the representatives.
In the era of Albrecht II, the importance of Austria was clearly not as great as that of the vast Kingdom of Hungary.
Even though Austria was Albrecht II's power base, Hungary was still his top priority.
However, in the era ruled by Laszlo, Austria's central position was re-established.
In the venue, after Laszlo finished his speech, he sat firmly on the throne.
Eyczing, the chief minister of Austria, as the conference moderator personally appointed by Laszlo, would represent the Emperor in negotiations with the various estates at the meeting.
When he finished reading the so-called "Recess Agreement" personally drafted by the Emperor, it immediately caused a huge stir in the venue.
The representatives of the five estates—lords, clergy, knights, towns, and peasants—began discussing in their respective small circles.
They could feel the Emperor's sincerity; the agreement contained many concessions beneficial to the estate assemblies.
However, levying taxes directly on all subjects without bargaining in the state assembly was still too sensational.
"Gentlemen, you live on the land of Austria, and as subjects of the Emperor, you enjoy his protection, so you should bear this responsibility.
The reason this tax is called the National Contribution Tax is precisely because its purpose is to protect our beautiful Austria from enemy aggression.
To ensure peace and stability endure in this land for a long time, the Emperor levies this tax on the people for this very reason."
Eyczing explained the Emperor's true intentions with great emotion, though it sounded somewhat comical.
In this dark age, how many monarchs did not constantly exploit their people for their own entertainment and enjoyment, or for their grand ambitions?
Even Laszlo was no exception; to maintain his vast army, the tax rates in all the countries under his rule were kept at a relatively high level.
The situation in Austria was slightly better because the Vienna government could also obtain additional financial income from the Empire, Northern Italy, and various vassal states.
Laszlo did his best to cut expenses, but the effect was limited.
In this era, a monarch's court splendor would directly affect his prestige and status among nations.
Even to maintain the Emperor's dignity, he had to maintain the largest and most luxurious royal court in all of Europe.
On this basis, holding a few fewer banquets and building a few fewer temporary palaces was already the greatest frugality he could achieve.
Eyczing's words resonated with some, but everyone's purpose in attending the meeting was also clear: to gain more benefits for themselves and their groups.
Regular taxes were collected every year.
However, tax collection required a period of negotiation, which was an excellent opportunity for the state assemblies to gain benefits from the Emperor.
But now the Emperor wanted to separate the negotiation process from tax collection, which made the representatives hesitant.
Although the Emperor promised to meet their demands as much as possible and agreed to convene estate assemblies frequently, people always harbored doubts about the Emperor's promises.
Fortunately, Laszlo's credit was among the highest of contemporary monarchs.
He indeed showed generosity and magnanimity to his supporters, while directing hatred and anger towards his enemies. After several hours of long negotiations, and after receiving a series of guarantees, the estate assembly chose to temporarily relinquish its right to consent to taxation.
With the signing of the Recess Agreement, Laszlo also held Austria's financial power in his hands.
This was the first and most important resolution passed at this All-Austria Conference.
Next was the time to deal with the demands of the different estates in each state, and Laszlo did not spend too much effort on this.
He had always tried to avoid the predicament that Frederick III faced in history under the fierce attack of the Kingdom of Hungary,
That is, in a treaty in 1481, Frederick handed over the right to collect ordinary and special taxes in Austria to the estate assembly in exchange for a large amount of funds and military aid.
The most ridiculous thing was that even though Frederick made such great concessions, the Austrians' desperate resistance was easily crushed by the powerful Hungarian Black Army.
The fall of Vienna in 1485 once made people believe that the Habsburg Family would decline from then on.
However, Laszlo's situation was much better than Frederick III's.
Therefore, he could calmly and unhurriedly further suppress the estate assembly's interference and control over national taxation.
With the establishment of this innovation, Laszlo was confident that his years of dedicated development had finally reached the time for testing the results.
Having trained soldiers for a thousand days, he now needed a target to test the potential of the Habsburg-branded war machine after years of his modifications.