The Baltic conspiracy was still unfolding under CIA planning, while the situation in East Asia grew increasingly tense. Since Japan acquired F-16 fighter jets, it had adopted a more aggressive posture in diplomatic affairs. Gen Nakatani, head of Japan's Self-Defense Agency, was eager to transform the Self-Defense Forces into a formidable army capable of countering the Soviet threat. Naturally, the first thing to do with the new hardware was to show it off—and the best way was a joint military exercise with the United States.
With the secret backing of the hawkish US President Mario, the US and Japan were set to launch a military exercise codenamed "Sword Offensive" soon. The core of the exercise was island seizure, and everyone understood the real target: the four northern islands, with the Soviet Union cast as the imaginary enemy. The exercise would focus on Japan retaking these islands and striking against the supposed Soviet reinforcements. Throughout the operation, the US Pacific Seventh Fleet would provide active support.
Gen Nakatani announced that 150 fighter jets, 20 ships, and at least 10,000 personnel from Japan's Navy, Army, and Air Force would participate, while the US would deploy some 5,000 soldiers, 10 ships, and 50 fighter jets to assist.
Also involved would be Japan's Aegis frigates and the USS George Washington—freshly commissioned in the US Navy. This deployment was also a clear message to the Soviets: Japan was a firm US ally, and communism would never be allowed to claw its way into Japanese soil.
The joint US-Japan exercise was an undeniable provocation, instantly upsetting the balance of power in East Asia. Had South Korea not purchased the Soviet Kiev-class aircraft carrier, this might have escalated into an even larger tripartite exercise, encircling the Asia-Pacific and effectively turning the Pacific and East Asian coasts into America's backyard swimming pool.
Of course, the Soviet Union would not stand idly by. Navy Commander-in-Chief Smiryev and Defense Minister Yazov were summoned by Yanaev to discuss how to rein in Japan's recent assertiveness.
"Tsk, tsk, tsk, such a huge exercise—150 fighter jets, 20 warships," Yanaev mocked, reading aloud Nakatani's announcement. "Is that really the full strength of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces? They've announced the time and place clearly, daring us over the Southern Kuril Islands issue. Where do they get the nerve? Four newly bought F-16s? Can those fill our fleet of Su-27s?"
"Japan is just like South Korea—tragic countries," Yanaev continued grimly. "Sometimes I want to gently press the red button, nuclearize the peninsula, wipe both off the map."
His words struck Yazov and Smiryev like lightning. But Yanaev's smile and narrowed eyes quickly appeared. "Relax, comrades. I'm joking," he said, easing their tension.
"Now, let's get to work. How do we teach these arrogant fools a lesson? At least remind them that the Soviet Union is no pushover, not something a George Washington aircraft carrier can intimidate."
"We could hold our own exercises," Smiryev suggested, "If they send 150 planes, we send 200. If they deploy 20 ships, we send 30 or 40."
"And we can deploy our newly launched Varyag alongside the Kuznetsov near Japanese waters," Yazov added. "The US has one George Washington—we have two strategic carriers. Varyag's combat readiness isn't perfect, but it's more about politics now. Plus, this is a good chance to test it at sea."
"I've thought about all that," Yanaev said, "But it's not enough. Japan must fear strategic nuclear weapons flying over its islands during the US-Japan exercises. On that same day, we hold exercises in the Sea of Okhotsk, near the disputed islands. If they want to contest the Southern Kurils, they must face at least half of Soviet might."
A naval exercise nearby is provocative enough; sending strategic bombers carrying nuclear weapons to circle Japan during the drills is outright provocation. On this suicidal act, Yanaev remarked, "I enjoy making them squirm but can't strike back. What are they going to do, intercept us? Congratulations to Japan—winter is coming. We will ensure our Self-Defense Forces can withstand Soviet intercontinental nuclear strikes and the onslaught of steel."
Of course, the Japanese weren't foolish enough to risk such self-destruction. The Nomonhan and Kwantung Wars were taboo for right-wing officers, and the nuclear devastation of 1945 remained a wound in everyone's heart.
"Yes, I'll arrange the military exercises immediately," Smiryev said, glancing at Yazov. "I hope the defense ministry fully supports this naval operation—it's a matter of national honor."
"The Ministry of National Defense has always supported you. Comrade Smiryev can rest assured on that," Yazov replied. In his heart, although Smiryev's military skills didn't quite match those of the dismissed Chernavin, his loyalty to the Soviet Union far surpassed the latter's.
"Let's give Japan a long break this time. It's really just an annoying fly buzzing in front of us."
Yanayev likened Japan to a pesky little fly, one that all they needed to do was raise the giant claws of the Red Polar Bear and squash it hard enough so it would never rise again.
The day after Gen Nakatani's announcement, Soviet Foreign Minister Shevardnadze issued a statement expressing regret over the joint US-Japan military exercise. He condemned it not as a step toward easing tensions, but as an action that deepened divisions among East Asian nations in the maritime region. The Soviet Union strongly urged all parties to return to the negotiating table and resolve disputes through dialogue rather than military conflict.
If the first half of the statement was a routine diplomatic message—standard, restrained, and polished—the Soviet response that followed was as fiery as vodka.
"Of course, our statement doesn't mean we lack strength. On the contrary, we are too strong. A country like Japan can be wiped off the earth in three minutes. No matter how many American fighter jets they buy, they are still trash in front of our intercontinental missiles. That's why we don't resort to force lightly. The last person who dared provoke the Soviet Union was Hitler. Back then, his armored forces were much stronger than Japan's, but in the end, we planted the red flag over the Capitol of those bastards."
Even the usually stoic Soviet citizens erupted in cheers upon hearing this. Why worry about the feelings of friendly nations? Bah! If you dare infringe on our interests, the Soviet war machine will crush you.
"The Japanese government seems to have forgotten one thing: we only signed a ceasefire. The war was merely shelved indefinitely. No one wants to see the red hammer and sickle flag—a symbol of socialism—raised over the Emperor's palace. Protect yourselves and don't provoke us, or we will show Japan what a real steel torrent looks like. With best regards, the peace-loving Soviet Union."