Yanayev was surprised when he received a call from Kadyrov Jr. in Chechnya. During the conversation, they discussed the future development of the situation in Chechnya. With the deaths of the illegal armed forces leaders, Basayev and Khattab, on the Georgian border, the conflict had mostly dissipated. The remaining Chechen fighters had lost their last leader. The Chechen problem that had troubled the Soviet Union for nearly half a year finally seemed close to resolution.
Kadyrov expressed sincere gratitude to Yanayev for maintaining Chechnya's unity and fighting terrorism. His words were carefully crafted and sounded mature—certainly not from someone under 20. It seemed Kadyrov had a think tank behind him helping to shape his strategy.
Yanayev calmly replied that if the question of Chechnya's governance and control were to be settled, Kadyrov was welcome to come to Moscow for negotiations. Yanayev was not someone easily pushed around. Although Kadyrov was quick and decisive, he was no match for the seasoned Kremlin veterans who had spent most of their lives in Moscow.
Still, Kadyrov agreed and said he would visit Moscow that very day to discuss Chechnya's stability and the ruling status of the Sufi faction.
A few days later, the Kremlin welcomed a former enemy turned ally. Kadyrov Jr.'s arrival raised Moscow's security to the highest level—after all, no one knew if any rogue armed groups might be lurking in the shadows, waiting to strike.
"Welcome to Moscow, little Kadyrov," Yanayev said, surprised to see the boy with a somewhat youthful, almost childish face before him. No matter how he looked at him, this did not appear to be the iron-fisted successor who could crush all opposition.
"Hello, General Secretary Yanayev," Kadyrov greeted politely. Behind him stood a man with deep-set eyes and a stern expression. Yanayev, well-versed in intelligence, immediately recognized him as Akhmadov, assistant to Kadyrov Sr. — the reputed strategist behind the Kadyrov family.
Now Yanayev understood where Kadyrov Jr.'s courage to come to Moscow alone came from. And he hadn't expected Akhmadov to side with the young Kadyrov instead of the older military elders.
Once seated, negotiations began. This was a political discussion with implications for the entire nation, focusing on control of Chechnya's armed forces and the Kadyrov family's political interests. Chechnya could become a precedent for the autonomy of future autonomous republics, so Yanayev had to carefully balance how open this precedent should be.
"Regarding the Kadyrov family's status in Chechnya, let me explain," Akhmadov began. "The Kadyrovs are one of the largest political families in Ingushetia and Chechnya. Kadyrov's father is also the spiritual leader of all Chechnya. It is only natural for Kadyrov to inherit his father's political legacy. As long as the Kadyrovs remain, Chechnya will remain stable."
"Moreover, the family commands a powerful armed force, and Kadyrov is a native Chechen. The Soviet army knows Chechnya well, so he is uniquely qualified to handle any armed groups or rebels in the Caucasus."
Akhmadov emphasized how crucial the Kadyrovs were to Chechnya's stability and claimed, "We are the only armed force in Chechnya capable of facing enemies head-on. If we want to avoid civil unrest, we are the only choice."
Yanayev listened silently, neither agreeing nor objecting.
To gain legitimacy for Kadyrov's rule, Akhmadov continued: "The Kadyrov family leads the Chechen Sufi faction. After severely suppressing the arrogant Wahhabi faction, only our Sufis remain mainstream in Chechnya. Sufis differ from fundamentalist Wahhabis—we advocate moderation, non-confrontation, and secularism."
To ease Soviet concerns about the Islamic world, Akhmadov portrayed Sufism as moderate. Yanayev, however, remained expressionless and attentive.
"Moreover…" Akhmadov faltered, feeling Yanayev's gaze was like a hunter stalking a fox, savoring each move before the kill. "We are the only armed force in Chechnya. Only we can stabilize the region or lead the Chechen people's struggle."
That last phrase was ambiguous—lead the struggle against illegal armed groups or against Soviet troops?
Even quiet Kadyrov looked puzzled. Shouldn't this be a dignified political debate? Why was Akhmadov the only one making threats, while Yanayev sat calm and unreadable?
Kadyrov nudged Akhmadov's foot, signaling him to be quiet.
Yanayev's silent provocation had revealed much of Chechnya's hand and the political leverage Kadyrov's faction sought. Then Yanayev smiled and said, "Do you know about the Big Ivan nuclear bomb?"
"Huh?" Akhmadov was caught off guard.
Yanayev continued as if talking to himself, "Also called the Tsar bomb or Khrushchev bomb, it's the most terrifying nuclear weapon ever developed by the Soviet Union. Even the vast Novaya Zemlya, with its 82,000 square kilometers, could barely handle it. What chance does Chechnya's mere 17,000 square kilometers have? Our Big Ivan could destroy all of Chechnya. So, what right does Chechnya have to make demands of us?"
His words struck hard—a brutal reminder of Soviet ruthlessness.
When it comes to cruelty and mercilessness, who can rival the mad red polar bear?