The coverage of the Delventa massacre took a sharp turn—from condemning the brutality of the Croatian army to accusing the United States of backing a gang of thugs, as if America had to shoulder the blame. Anti-American countries gleefully denounced the U.S. as the source of global unrest, an empire of sin and evil.
This scene was all too familiar: Europe and the U.S. would unite to harshly condemn the Soviet Union as an evil empire, claiming themselves as the bastion of freedom and justice. Meanwhile, many Third World countries accused Europe and America of exploiting their resources and interests—labeling these capitalist powers as colonizers who deserved the harshest punishment. Of course, exceptions existed, like a North African country losing partners daily and pondering new strategic alliances.
The 1987 Toyota War inflicted severe losses on Libya. Libya lost roughly a tenth of its troops—7,500 soldiers killed—and military assets worth 1.5 billion yuan destroyed or captured. France's staunch anti-Libyan stance during the conflict forced Gaddafi to reconsider his poor relations with the West and the U.S.
In 1986, a Berlin discotheque bombing killed two American soldiers, provoking a U.S. retaliatory strike on Libya that killed 40. In 1988, Libya's involvement in the Lockerbie air disaster triggered over a decade of UN economic sanctions. By the 1990s, Libya was isolated internationally, its economy declining, and facing violent internal unrest.
Only a few years after the Toyota War, Chad's President Habré visited Washington and received $32 million in U.S. aid, including surface-to-air missiles—clearly aimed against Libya.
Thus, Gaddafi sought to improve relations with Europe, though he previously wanted to break ties with the West. But his strategy backfired when, in an attempt to appease Europe, he spoke out about the Soviet Union's Chechen conflict: "The Chechen people's fight for independence was just and noble. Conversely, the Soviet war is akin to Serbia's invasion of Bosnia and Herzegovina—an obstacle to establishing a socialist nation."
Gaddafi's words struck a nerve with Yanayev. Soviet Foreign Minister Shevardnadze promptly fired back, calling it an internal Soviet matter and condemning Libya as a state sponsor of terrorism with no right to interfere.
Oblivious to Yanayev's deadly glare, Gaddafi continued pursuing nuclear weapons—an unwelcome threat to the five permanent UN Security Council members. The last leader to attempt such a move was South Africa's apartheid regime, now long buried under two-meter-high grass.
Yanayev hoped to use the West to eliminate this top threat to the so-called "big five." Though the USSR needed political dictators to safeguard global strategic interests—Saddam Hussein among them—Gaddafi, a reckless wild card, was not part of that long-term plan.
After Gaddafi's absurd proclamations like "Resist Soviet tyranny" and "Long live the Croatian people," the Soviet Union quietly began military trade with Chad. Poor and financially strapped, Chad relied on donated Toyota pickups during the Toyota War.
General Idriss Déby, who had recently toppled Habré, sought to reconcile with opposition forces. Yet someone with vested interests in Africa and the Middle East—who wanted Chad's civil war to drag on—continued supplying arms to the opposition, demanding Chad's oil resources in exchange.
The Soviet oil conglomerate behind Victor acted like an octopus, infiltrating oil-rich nations. Exxon and Chevron eyed Chad's oil prospects, hoping to partner with Malaysia's national oil company, but civil war stalled any plans.
Undeterred, the Soviet group was a fearless economic aggressor, operating private armed forces disguised as security firms—capable of crushing small African states.
Victor and General "Ghostwriter" proposed exchanging oil for missile defenses, tank brigades, and building a compact but powerful Chadian air force to counter Libya-backed rebels in the south.
Déby readily agreed, alarmed by escalating opposition attacks. Though he pushed for a multi-party coalition, the opposition rejected it outright, seeking a fresh government.
What Déby didn't know was that two weeks prior, Victor signed an arms deal with the rebels, selling over 2,000 secondhand Kalashnikov rifles at half price. After disarmament efforts, the Soviet Union had surplus weapons and was happy to assist.
Blood diamonds and black gold flowed as foreign exchange into Soviet reserves.
"Thank you for all you've done. The Chadian people will never forget Soviet help," Déby said, shaking Victor's hand enthusiastically. Victor smiled silently, knowing the rebels had said the same just days earlier.
"You're welcome," Victor replied. "The Soviet Union and Chad share a common enemy. Supporting you is our best option."
Déby rolled his eyes, then smiled. "Yes, together we fight our enemies. Here's to Soviet-Chadian friendship."
Meanwhile, Gaddafi—the fence-sitter and anti-Soviet provocateur—was about to find his life far less comfortable.