Indeed, after two years in the entertainment industry, Audrey Hepburn was no longer the naïve girl she once was.
Countless people had tried to hurt her, sending her endless tabloids filled with gossip about Leo Valentino's romantic affairs in America. Everyone knew she owed her rise to fame, at least in part, to her relationship with the world's richest man.
Ordinary gossip she could ignore — she had learned to smile through whispers.
But when the news of Leo's marriage reached her, something inside her broke.
Leo had been her first man — her dream, her protector, her reason for believing in destiny.
As long as he never denied her with his own lips, she was willing to keep dreaming.
Now, that dream had shattered.
After hastily taking her final bow, Audrey's fellow dancer smirked at her backstage:
"So much for being his only one in Europe," the woman mocked. "Looks like you were just another pastime."
Ordinarily, Audrey would have fired back. But tonight her heart was too heavy; she just wanted to leave.
She slipped out the back door — only to come face to face with Grace Kelly.
Leo was staying at London's historic Savoy Hotel, and that night he had reserved the entire café on the first floor.
Audrey sat there, weeping uncontrollably. Grace watched silently as Leo handed Audrey tissues, one after another.
With her eyes red and swollen, Audrey whispered, "I don't want to leave you."
Leo gently touched her cheek.
"You don't have to."
"My mother wants me to," Audrey said quietly. "She wants me to have a proper marriage — not to be someone's mistress."
Leo looked her in the eye.
"No, Audrey. If I were an ordinary man, you might be called that.
But I'm not. I'm the richest man in the world. I could give you enough wealth to make you one of the most powerful women in Holland.
Happiness in marriage isn't about what others call proper — it's about whether you feel happy.
You're admired, respected, a leading star of the British stage. Do you think an ordinary husband could give you that?
The kind of 'happy marriage' your mother speaks of would confine you to a home — to raise children, to abandon your dreams.
Is that what you really want?"
His words stunned Audrey — and even Grace, who had rolled her eyes at first, found herself listening.
She knew Leo was manipulating them, but she also knew he wasn't entirely wrong.
Without Leo's help, her own father might have forced her to marry a Philadelphia politician — to live as a trophy wife, smiling politely while her dreams withered.
That, too, was what society called a happy marriage.
Audrey bit her lip, trembling. "No… I don't want that."
She looked delicate, but she had once risked her life smuggling food to resistance fighters under Nazi occupation. Her gentleness was only a mask; her spirit was unbreakable.
She and Grace, though different in so many ways, made the same choice.
Leo smiled faintly. "Then that's settled. My affection may be divided, but it will be enough for both of you — everything you desire."
Both women looked uncertain. They didn't fully believe him — but part of them wanted to.
For Leo, persuasion was only the beginning. Action would do the rest.
A few days later, Audrey disappeared from the British stage.
When she resurfaced, it was in Hollywood — at Leo's invitation.
"I want to go to Hollywood," she had said.
"Then come," Leo had replied. "You can help me deal with another problem there."
Back in America, Leo immediately launched a new round of lobbying.
His third target was McKay, the Chairman of the Federal Reserve.
Last time, Leo had shown McKay respect by sparing his protégé Jesse; this time, McKay returned the favor — and Leo sweetened the deal with enormous financial benefits.
With Morgan, Rockefeller, and McKay all on board, the progress of the Franco-German Coal and Steel Community surpassed everyone's expectations.
The world soon realized that what Leo was building was no mere agreement — it was a ship too vast to stop, bound to reshape Europe's destiny.
More and more nations wanted to climb aboard.
To accommodate new allies, Leo expanded the membership: France, Germany, Belgium, and now Italy, where his influence was strongest.
He didn't even need to appear personally — his representative, Daniel, the U.S. Ambassador to France, handled everything flawlessly.
But not everyone was pleased. Among those most unsettled were Leo's rivals — and President Truman himself.
Nelson Rockefeller and Alfred du Pont, both eager to claim credit, marched straight into Truman's office and demanded official titles to match their growing power:
U.S. Ambassador to West Germany and Special Envoy to the European Coal and Steel Community.
On August 10, in Paris, under the watch of Ambassador Daniel and Envoy Nelson Rockefeller, six nations — France, West Germany, Italy, Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands — formally established the European Coal and Steel Community.
Leo's vision had become reality.
Meanwhile, in New York's Jewish synagogue, Samuel sat with John Stillman, frowning darkly.
"How long until the Senate approves MacArthur's war proposal?" Samuel asked.
Stillman wiped sweat from his forehead. "Mr. Samuel, the conservative Democrats led by Thomas, and many Republicans, are still demanding revisions — especially financial audits.
You know this isn't a small-scale conflict like Valentino's campaign in Vietnam. This war will be massive. The audits alone will take months."
Samuel scowled. "Audits? Ridiculous. We have more accountants on Wall Street than the entire government. We've paid enough politicians in Washington — send some into the audit department. That should solve it."
Stillman's eyes lit up. It was indeed a clever idea.
Samuel continued coldly:
"Leo has just brought Nelson Rockefeller into his coalition, balancing him against Lawrence. The Rockefeller brothers won't like that — nor will David. Perhaps we should remind them of the danger."
Stillman nodded. "Yes, sir. David's been hiding in the Middle East since his last failure, thinking distance keeps him safe. But if he won't provoke Leo, Leo will provoke him.
After the audit issue is settled, I'll go to the Middle East myself."
As Stillman turned to leave, Samuel stopped him.
"What about the DuPonts? Any movement?"
Stillman replied, "Yes. Robert, who's in Britain, called me. He needs contacts there — they're planning to cause Leo some trouble in London."
"In Britain? Interesting," Samuel muttered. "Fine, let them. We need to slow Leo's rise somehow."
At that very moment, in Downing Street, London, Robert du Pont was addressing senior members of the Labour Party, including Prime Minister Clement Attlee himself.
"For centuries," Robert began, "Britain's strategy has been to maintain balance on the European continent.
A divided Europe is a stable Europe — one that benefits us.
But now, the first steps toward unification have begun.
The European Coal and Steel Community is real, and soon it could evolve into a full political union.
We must stop it.
The key driver behind it isn't just the politicians in France or Germany — it's the world's richest man, Leo Valentino.
His companies thrive in Britain, taking advantage of our generous tax laws to build the largest offshore network in the world.
His real estate and media empires are based here, yet he now uses his power to support European unity — against British interests."
Attlee listened calmly. "And what do you propose we do?"
"Sanction him," Robert said firmly. "Target his businesses here — especially his Commonwealth tax network."
He knew where to strike.
Hurt Leo's financial arteries in London, and his influence in Europe would waver.
"Sanctions alone aren't enough," Attlee said. "What do we get in return?"
"War support," Robert answered. "Egypt is preparing to reclaim the Suez Canal, and anti-British movements are rising in Libya and Sudan. We can provide military aid."
"Not enough," Attlee said flatly. "We also want war loans — and for Washington to turn a blind eye to what happens in our colonies."
Robert hesitated. "We can try. Wall Street will back us — but asking Washington to ignore colonial conflicts contradicts U.S. policy. It won't be easy."
He knew it was impossible. The American military-industrial complex wanted to sell weapons to Egypt and the rebels, not help Britain suppress them.
Attlee understood this, too. He knew it was poison — a deal that could buy time but not salvation.
Yet he was desperate. The Labour Party had barely held its majority by five seats. He needed a political win, no matter the cost.
Only one obstacle remained — the Duke of Westminster, who represented Britain's aristocracy and had long been allied with Leo.
But Attlee didn't realize that even within his own cabinet, loyalty was not absolute.
Someone made a discreet phone call.
By the next morning, word had spread through London's upper circles:
The Prime Minister is preparing to move against Leo Valentino.
The Duke of Westminster called Leo at once, urging caution.
Leo's reply was calm, almost amused:
"Don't worry. Let the Prime Minister bring his proposal to Parliament. May God bless him to see it pass."
The Duke was stunned.
To him, Leo's confidence bordered on arrogance.
Attlee, for his part, moved swiftly. The next day, he submitted his bill to the House of Commons:
"On Restoring the Commonwealth Nations' Tariff Sovereignty."
He expected easy approval — after all, the Commons was Labour's base.
But when the vote came, his face turned pale.
Aside from a few close allies, almost no one supported it.
Instead, another motion — "On Establishing a British Media Censorship System" — passed easily.
The first proposal failed in the Commons, killing it before it reached the Lords.
The second, thanks to the Duke's maneuvering, was defeated in the Lords as well.
Two consecutive failures in one day sent Attlee's approval ratings plummeting.
Later, the Duke called Leo again, half-smiling but clearly irritated.
"Why," he asked, "did your opponents' first bill fail even in the Commons? The King himself wants to know — when did you start controlling the lower house too?"