In the past, there had been cooperation between the agencies, but it was always temporary. From now on, however, the CIA would begin proactively sharing intelligence with CTU, including highly classified material—something previously unimaginable.
The NSA, of course, was on another level entirely. Far more powerful than the CIA, it possessed capabilities beyond most people's comprehension. The CIA was an intelligence agency, but it had no domestic enforcement authority—its power was concentrated abroad.
Domestically, the NSA was the undisputed top dog. To give a simple example: all American satellites were under the NSA's control. The CIA had limited access to a few spy satellites, but CTU had none at all.
Whenever CTU needed satellite resources, it had to apply to the NSA in real time. Although the process had been simplified, it remained frustrating.
Especially during Conklin's time, he could directly tap into the CIA's satellite network without anyone's approval—simple and efficient.
CTU, after all, was still relatively new and lacked the clout of the two giants.
Since Jack Bauer took office, many of his initiatives had clearly aimed at strengthening CTU: setting up more comprehensive department configurations, establishing an independent training base, launching joint operations with the SEALs, developing proprietary equipment, creating an independent intelligence network, and coordinating CTU tactical teams with those of the FBI, among other efforts…
CTU was visibly growing stronger, but it was still a work in progress.
It was foreseeable that more future operations would involve joint efforts—either bilaterally or trilaterally. Of course, CTU wasn't the only one benefiting from such arrangements; the CIA welcomed them as well.
While the CIA lacked domestic enforcement powers, these collaborations gave it a legitimate path into domestic operations. Although still not on par with the NSA, it was at least a promising beginning.
Last night, the White House and Congress reached a consensus and formally defined the scope of terrorist attacks.
Acts perpetrated by extremist elements—specifically targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure in ways that violate international norms—would now be universally classified as terrorism.
This meant a significant expansion of CTU's authority. Prior to this, there had been no consistent definition of terrorism within the U.S. Different agencies—CTU, the Department of Defense, the FBI—each used their own definitions, often resulting in jurisdictional battles.
Such inter-agency conflicts were common among powerful departments. Just like the DEA (Drug Enforcement Administration), which was the nation's primary anti-narcotics agency, local police narcotics units could still investigate and solve drug-related cases. Whoever cracked the case claimed jurisdiction.
CTU had been the same—focused on anti-terrorism, yet the NSA, DEA, FBI, DOJ (Department of Justice), ATF (Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives), and NCIS (Naval Criminal Investigative Service) all had their own armed units capable of counterterrorism. It had always been: whoever made the arrest, led the case.
Now, however, any case involving civilian casualties could fall under CTU's jurisdiction—provided CTU wanted to take it. Whether a suspect was officially a terrorist or not was for CTU to determine. As long as they could justify it, they had the final say.
This marked the peak of CTU's power since its inception.
Director Mueller was in high spirits. This was a win-win situation—CTU had to share some power with the CIA, but in return, they'd gained plenty.
Seeing the director nod in approval, Paso inserted a USB drive into the computer, projecting an image of a man onto the wall. Simon began the briefing.
"Clay Boone, Swiss national, banker. In addition to his bank, he owns several other companies. Previously, we discovered financial ties between him and the now-dismantled Red Front."
"But recent intel indicates he may be connected to multiple extremist organizations. After retrieving the data from his computer, we spent the night analyzing the files and found several anomalies in the financial transactions."
Paso tapped a few keys, switching the image to a chart. Several lines were highlighted in bold.
"Just recently, the International Commercial Bank transferred $100 million to Boone. We believe this was actually a payment from a certain country to fund terrorist activities. Boone may well be a covert agent acting on that nation's behalf. That money was subsequently dispersed through various operations, eventually funneled into more than a dozen mysterious accounts."
"Cross-referencing with our central database, we identified three of those accounts as being under surveillance. They are linked to a man named Heather Ruth."
"According to our intel, Heather Ruth is an information broker, primarily active in Eastern Europe. In addition to intelligence, he's also involved in drug trafficking. He was implicated in a DEA joint operation we assisted with. He's been a person of interest to the CIA for some time now."
Tony and Owen exchanged looks, both frowning. Information brokers were among the most troublesome of adversaries—like cockroaches, they were everywhere and willing to do anything.
Paso tapped the keyboard again, changing the screen to a network diagram showing Clay Boone's connections to other individuals, illustrated with arrows.
"From the current data, Boone's companies frequently transact with a U.S.-based biopharmaceutical firm. The transactions appear legitimate, but two of the other mysterious accounts are connected to this company—one belonging to a shareholder, the other to the head of the company's contracted security provider."
"What's the name of this company?"
"Aselcon Biopharmaceuticals, headquartered in New York, with a production base in Tennessee," Paso replied. Simon added, "The suspicious shareholder is Jabbar Bernie—he's the third-largest shareholder. The security chief is Green Stone, a local thug who operates between legal and illegal domains."
"Aselcon?"
At the mention of the name, Tony's face showed recognition. He had clearly heard of the company. Director Mueller noticed and asked, "You know this company?"
"Yes. CTU recently cracked a chemical weapons case. The raw materials were traced back to this company's factory. But the factory had reported a batch of chemicals stolen beforehand, so we didn't find anything concrete. The company has a very good reputation. Their founder, Russell Franklin, is known as the cleanest capitalist in New York."
Upon hearing this, Director Mueller turned to Paso. "Is Russell Franklin a suspect?"
"For now, no. We've found no evidence linking the company or Franklin to Boone's terrorist activities," Paso replied with a shake of his head.
Simon added, "However, we discovered that Jabbar Bernie may have connections to the Cruel Angels. He grew up in the U.K. with Anthony Berman, the group's recently eliminated founder. The two have remained in contact for years."
Director Mueller, sensing the discussion had reached a conclusion, cleared his throat and said, "The targets are basically confirmed. Let's assign them."
As everyone turned their attention to him, Mueller continued, "Heather Ruth's whereabouts are uncertain, and he operates mainly in Eastern Europe. He'll be handled by the CIA."
Tony nodded—CTU still lacked the capacity for international operations.
Seeing Tony had no objections, Mueller continued, "Jabbar Bernie has confirmed ties to the Cruel Angels and is currently in Los Angeles. CTU will handle him. Green Stone goes to Team Seven. As for Clay Boone and Russell Franklin, we'll leave them untouched for now—bait on a long line."
Seeing no objections, the meeting concluded. Owen followed Tony as they drove back to CTU.
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