The morning meeting set the stage, and by the afternoon, the core leadership of Rovno Oblast was already in motion. This swift response exemplified why Simon had placed such significant bets on the region.
Strong control enables efficient execution.
While Rovno Oblast's governance wasn't yet deeply entrenched, the current structure allowed for one clear, unchallenged voice: that of the Westeros system. No delays, no interference, no opposition. Plans were implemented with remarkable efficiency, achieving results that would take years elsewhere.
Simon had studied the rise of many nations.
From South Korea under Park Chung-hee to early Soviet Union policies, and even Argentina during its brief periods of economic prosperity, these examples of rapid development all shared a common thread: a high degree of centralized power. During Park's 18-year tenure, South Korea's GDP increased 27-fold, laying the groundwork for its later success.
Of course, centralization is merely a starting point.
For every success story, there are countless cautionary tales. A train that cannot change tracks either reaches heaven—or derails into hell.
---
Elsewhere on August 26, in downtown Rivne, a different milestone was reached. Alexander Lyudayev, head of Rivne Media Entertainment Company, personally oversaw the launch of the national television network, Basic Network.
The event was understated.
The company had recently secured a license from the Kyiv authorities, granting the right to broadcast nationwide. While this was a significant achievement, fully covering Ukraine required substantial investment in infrastructure, such as signal relay stations.
Ukraine's television industry was still stuck in the Soviet era—or worse.
For instance, many Ukrainian households still used outdated Soviet-era TVs, which took one to two minutes to power on and were prone to malfunctions, including fire hazards. Despite this, not every family could afford a television. During the Soviet Union's peak, over 60% of households owned a TV. Now, less than 50% had one, reflecting the post-collapse economic devastation.
Similarly, the broadcast system remained analog, further illustrating the dire state of the industry.
These conditions explained why Rivne Media easily secured its national broadcasting license. The industry had fallen to such depths that oligarchs saw little profit in it, and even though Kyiv recognized the role of television in shaping public opinion, Rovno's alliance with President Kuchma left them with no reason to obstruct the deal.
Thus, Basic Network was born.
The name itself had a story. Initially, the team leaned toward Basiv Network, named after the largest lake in Rivne, Basiv Lake, near Lyudayev's residence in the southern district. Unlike Simon's villa by a man-made lake, Basiv Lake spans nearly a square kilometer and has, over the past two years, become a hub for Rivne's elite, with sprawling estates and luxury properties—including several owned by Simon.
When the name "Basiv Network" was proposed to Simon, he sent it back with a minor adjustment: the "s" was swapped for a "c," transforming it into Basic Network.
After some deliberation, the team realized the new name was indeed better. It was simple, universal, and even carried an international flair. While "Basiv" required explanation, anyone familiar with English could understand "Basic."
Lyudayev also sensed Simon's aspirations for the network: it wasn't meant to remain confined to Ukraine but to have the potential for international reach.
With the license secured, the next steps involved nationwide signal coverage and creating a lineup of compelling television programs. The day was consumed by meetings on these topics, though the network's core strategy had already been set by Simon. Basic Network would avoid political content wherever possible, instead focusing on entertainment: television shows, movies, music, and sports.
This direction wasn't random.
Simon had always kept the "pacifier theory" in mind.
Basic Network was designed to be Ukraine's pacifier.
However, this didn't mean the network would never engage in politics. As a private station, it retained the flexibility to broadcast 24-hour coverage of politically sensitive topics when needed. Yet, such a potent tool of public opinion would be wielded sparingly, only in critical situations.
Signal coverage was a straightforward issue, but Ukraine's real need was quality content.
This posed no problem for the Westeros system, which had access to the vast resources of Hollywood. Moreover, with Ukraine's open-door policy toward Western media, there were few regulatory barriers. While local content would eventually become essential, the network's Hollywood-backed catalog could easily outshine any domestic competition in the short term.
---
After a day of meetings, Lyudayev accepted an invitation from Sergei Komorov to discuss the newly announced $200 million resettlement community project.
Like others, Lyudayev was stunned by the sheer figure.
"Does money even mean anything to him?" he mused.
The group, which included Vladimir Kolkoshko, gathered at a restaurant on Rivne's main commercial street. Over dinner, they reviewed the project's finer details.
According to Simon's plans, all dormitory and apartment projects currently affiliated with Westeros-owned factories and enterprises in Rivne would cease. Once the final batch of dormitories was completed, all housing units would be transferred to a real estate subsidiary under Ordek Corporation and offered to employees as rental properties.
This approach aimed to consolidate Rivne's housing market under Westeros system control.
The new resettlement communities would also fall under this subsidiary's management. Financing would come from Rivne Development Bank and Rivne United Bank as loans to Ordek's real estate arm. Completed properties would then be rented or sold exclusively to employees of Westeros-affiliated enterprises.
Given current income levels, rentals were the immediate focus.
Simon's requirement for these housing units was that they exceed the standard of Soviet-era "Khrushchyovkas" (mass-built apartment blocks). At the very least, each unit would include private kitchens and bathrooms.
The leaders found this standard surprisingly high. Even in Kyiv, many Khrushchyovkas still relied on communal kitchens and shared toilets. However, Simon had insisted that the new homes should foster a sense of "belonging," making residents reluctant to leave.
Their job was to execute, not question.
Besides, it was Simon's money.
The emphasis on "home" hinted at a deeper intention. Ukraine's vast land area and sparse population meant land and housing held limited value. If a city became inhospitable, people could easily leave.
But if a city offered significantly better living conditions than rural areas, residents would become dependent. Once accustomed to these comforts, they'd find it hard to leave.
Simon's resettlement plan extended beyond housing. Communities would include schools, hospitals, supermarkets, cinemas, parks, and more, creating an environment where residents could truly settle.
Yet access wasn't universal. These communities were exclusively for employees of Westeros-affiliated industries. Non-employees couldn't even apply. Moreover, leaving a job would mean losing access to housing and other benefits. Inefficient, lazy, or disruptive workers would be excluded entirely.
While Simon didn't expect immediate profits from these projects, he understood that cultivating a compliant and productive workforce required providing hope and stability. A "better life" dangled like a carrot, encouraging hard work to maintain their place.
Only through tireless effort—996 (9 a.m. to 9 p.m., 6 days a week)—could they secure their future.
Simon's plan wasn't just to profit from these investments later but to fundamentally reshape work culture. The "work-life balance" mentality often associated with Western societies would become a thing of the past for his employees.
---
Later that evening, the group moved to a Westeros-owned nightclub to continue their discussions. Midway through, they received copies of the latest Forbes magazine.
Released that very day, August 26, 1996, the Forbes 400 list showcased America's wealthiest individuals.
At the top, one name stood out alongside a staggering figure: 1.5 trillion dollars.
For the Rovno leaders, this number felt almost unreal.
$1.5 trillion.
Compared to last year's $700 billion, Simon's wealth had more than doubled in a single year. He had become the first person whose fortune could be described using the word "trillion" in the context of U.S. dollars.
To put this in perspective: at $1.5 trillion, Simon Westeros' personal wealth was greater than the GDP of all but four countries—trailing only the U.S., Japan, Germany, and France.
For Ukraine, with an estimated 1996 GDP of $45 billion, Simon's wealth was a mere 3% of his fortune.
Faced with this reality, the group's earlier shock over the $200 million investment dissipated entirely.
It was nothing. A drop in the ocean.
As Rovno's leaders processed this revelation, the world was abuzz with the new Forbes list. Discussions began in earnest, especially in the U.S., where the magazine was headquartered.
Simon Westeros wasn't just rich. He had become a symbol of the unimaginable power of capital in the modern age.
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